Heather Ellis,allegedly cut in front of waiting customers at a Walmart in Missouri two years ago, a charge Ellis disputes, maintaining she was joining her cousin in another checkout line. She also has claimed that she was then pushed by a white customer, hassled by store
employees, called racial slurs and physically mistreated by Kennett
police officers as she resisted arrest. Ellis is now on trial facing 15 years in jail on the charge of disorderly conduct and resisting arrest.
Think about the story of Heather Ellis, then think about the fact that half of the people in the United States prison system are Black folks,
even though we make up just 13 percent of the population. Then, ask
yourself if our criminal justice system is operating the way it's
supposed to operate.
Three years ago,
Heather Ellis, a college student at the time, was waiting on line at
Wal-Mart. She decided to get into another line, then got into a verbal
altercation with customers. The cops were called. And she is facing a
possible 15-year sentence in prison.
Black folks keep
focusing on Ellis' background -- she's a young school teacher with no
record. Seemingly a good person, right? While that is true, my point is
that should be irrelevant. Even if Ellis were a convicted felon, even
if she had been stuffing DVDs down her pants, she should still not be
facing 15 years in prison. Our criminal justice system is supposed to
work for all of us, not just the good Blacks, not just those of us with
character above reproach.
If you believe Ellis'
side of the story, she got out of her original line at Wal-Mart to join
her cousin in a line that was moving more quickly. When she did, Ellis
was pushed by a white customer, hassled by store employees, called
racial slurs and physically mistreated by white police officers.
If you believe law
enforcement's side of the story, Ellis shoved merchandise off the
conveyor belt, became belligerent when she was confronted, told the
police she would beat them if they touched her, refused to leave the
store and resisted arrest.
The whole thing is strikingly similar to the Henry Louis Gates Jr. story.
A Black man (in this case, woman) sees the situation through one lens,
while a white officer (in this case, white officers and white Wal-Mart
customers) see things through a different lens. Back then, I argued
that perhaps Gates did get angry, perhaps he did say something to that
officer that he should not have said, but the reality is that calling a
cop a racist is not against the law, disturbing the peace and causing a
public nuisance are not things you can do inside your own home. In this
case, even if Ellis did resist arrest, she still should not be facing a
15-year sentence.
Wesley Allen has never met Roy C. Sun, a Purdue University student
suspected of "terroristic mischief" after a closed box was found in a
building on the West Lafayette campus. Nonetheless, Allen organized a rally Monday afternoon to support
Sun, 21, and protest what he deemed was an overzealous arrest by the
Purdue University Police Department.
Inside the package were $20, a wheel lock and a parking ticket that was issued to Sun a week ago.
"It's
crazy that someone trying to pay a parking ticket could be arrested for
terrorism," said Allen, 24, a Purdue graduate student. "It's not right."
Sun
is one of three people suspected of leaving the package in a hallway
Thursday morning at Purdue's Visitor Information Center -- prompting an
evacuation of the building off Northwestern Avenue.
After running out of his house upon seeing his dog shot to death by police, an elderly man, who reacted angrily to the
dog's death, is tasered for "ignoring" an order to stop and turning to go
back into his house. Only problem is the man in question was deaf.
Police in Bruceville-Eddy, Texas shot and killed a dog that they insist
was threatening them and then tasered its elderly owner for failing to
obey their commands. The man turns out to be deaf and there is still no
word on the investigation that began in March in the incident.
Last week Attorney Lynne Stewart began serving a 28 month sentence
in federal prison after a U.S. appeals court upheld Stewart's 2005 conviction
of assisting terrorism for distributing press releases on behalf of her jailed
client, Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman, also known as the "Blind Sheikh," who is
serving a life sentence on terror-related charges.
Before entering prison November 18 Stewart spoke about
the case and her impending prison term with Amy Goodman on Democracy Now.
Jurist Marjorie Cohn of Thomas Jefferson Law
School in Philadelphia explains why the "clear message of the
125-page majority appellate panel opinion is that attorneys who zealously
represent their clients in the post-9/11 era beware."
Two prominent legal and human rights coalitions filed
separate friend of the court briefs this week weighing in on the Holder v.
Humanitarian Law Project et al case due to be heard by the US Supreme Court
soon.
The case involves federal laws outlawing all "material
support" of terrorist groups or foreign terrorists organizations (FTOs), which
broadly define "material support" to include, among other things, any
"service," "training," "expert advice or
assistance," or "personnel", and prohibiting even workintended to further entirely peaceful, lawful
objectives.
The American Civil Liberties Union filedits brief on behalf of the Carter Center,
Human Rights Watch and several other human rights and humanitarian
organizations.
"The material support law is so vague and broad that
peace, human rights and aid groups are left hopelessly guessing whether their
constitutionally-protected speech could land them in jail," said Melissa
Goodman, staff attorney with the ACLU National Security Project. "Cutting
off aid to terrorism is undoubtedly an important government interest, but
criminalizing legitimate peace-building and humanitarian work - including
advocacy to end terrorism and violence - does nothing to further that interest
and actually makes it more difficult to achieve."
Seperately, The Constitution Project and The Rutherford
Institute filed a brief arguing that applying the material support statutes to
punish pure speech that seeks to further lawful, non-violent ends is
unconstitutionally overbroad. The brief explained that the challenged
provisions of the material support laws conflict with First Amendment
protections for free speech and freedom of association, and should therefore be
struck down by the Court.
"This case provides an opportunity for the Supreme
Court to rein in the unconstitutional use of the material support statutes to
prohibit protected First Amendment activities," Sharon Bradford Franklin,
senior counsel for the Constitution Project, said. " Our brief urges the Court
to strike down the challenged provisions of the law, to ensure that terrorist
activities are prohibited, but free speech and association are still
safeguarded by the First Amendment."
The case was originally brought to trial in 1998 on behalf of a human rights group, a
retired federal administrative judge, a doctor, and several nonprofit groups
who at that time challenged the constitutionality of the Antiterrorism and
Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA) of 1996, which made it a crime punishable
by up to ten years of imprisonment and fines to provide "material support,"
including humanitarian aid, literature distribution and political advocacy, to
any foreign agency that the Secretary of State has designated as "terrorist."
Challenging the law was a Los
Angeles-based group, Humanitarian Law Project, described as a human rights
advocacy organization, and its president. Their lawyers said the
group had been providing human rights advocacy training to the Kurdistan Workers'
Party -- or, PKK, the main Kurish political party in Turkey. Once the PKK
was designated by the State Department as a terrorist group, the Humanitarian
Law group stopped its training. The group and others sued,
seeking the chance to renew aid to what the organizations said werelawful,
nonviolent activities overseas.
The Humanitarian Law Project's
challenges to the constitutionality of AEDPA, and subsequent material support
provisions enacted in the Patriot Act of 2001 have been upheld in several lower
court decisions over the past decade.
Most recently the Ninth Circuit
Court in December 2007 found key provisions of the terrorism support law to be
unconstitutionally vague, and blocked their enforcement.
In June 2009, however, The Obama Administration petitioned the Supreme Court
to revive key parts of the federal law
making it a crime to provide support to foreign groups deemed to be
terrorists.
Yesterday's briefs follow a similar brief filed last week by The Center for
Constitutional Rights.
At the time of CCR's filing CCR Cooperating Attorney David Cole said,
"This statute is so sweeping that it treats human rights advocates as criminal
terrorists, and threatens them with 15 years in prison for advocating
nonviolent means to resolve disputes. In our view, the First Amendment does not
permit the government to make advocating human rights or other lawful,
peaceable activity a crime simply because it is done for the benefit of, or in
conjunction with, a group the Secretary of State has blacklisted."
A novel anti-crime surveillance program that will record the license
plate number of every car entering and leaving Tiburon should be up and
running within six months, officials said Thursday.
The Town Council voted 4-0 late Wednesday - with Vice Mayor Miles
Berger absent - to install six cameras that recognize license plate
characters on Tiburon Boulevard and Paradise Drive. Those are the only
two roads that feed into the Tiburon peninsula, which also includes the
smaller city of Belvedere on its southwestern edge.
Tiburon will be the first community in the Bay Area, and perhaps the
country, to line its borders with the cameras, which have drawn
criticism from privacy rights advocates.
Plates will be compared to databases of stolen or wanted cars, with
matches triggering an immediate alert to local officers. If detectives
are investigating a crime, they will be able to search the records to
try to find possible suspects.
In October, during an interactive session with students in Pakistan,
a female medical student praised Hillary Clinton for inspiring women;
but then the same admirer asked the secretary of State how the United
States justifies using those CIA remote-controlled Predator drone
planes without sharing intelligence with the Pakistan military. These
airborne assassins kill civilians while targeting terror suspects in
Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Clinton refused comment on this expansive and lethal program, details of which are, of course, classified state secrets.
But another Pakistan woman flatly told Clinton that these drone
devastations of suspected terrorist hideouts are like "executions
without trials."
The secretary of State's blunt response about these sometimes-summary executions was: "There is a war going on."
During an interview on the Pakistan TV program "Our Voice," still
another woman asked our chief foreign affairs officer if she considered
these high-tech Predator drone attacks terrorism.
Clinton's terse reply to such an accusatory question to so high a
level of a visitor from an key ally of Pakistan was, "No, I do not."
Next question?
On Oct. 27, as Agence France Press reported, our killer drones were
confronted at the United Nations by Philip Alston, the U.N.'s Special
Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions.
"My concern," he said, "is that drones/Predators are being operated
in a framework which may well violate international humanitarian law
and international human rights law."
Alston sent a strong message, without naming him, to President
Obama: "We need the United States to be more up front and say, 'OK,
we're willing to discuss some aspects of this program,' otherwise you
have the really problematic bottom line that the CIA is running a
program that is killing significant numbers of people and there is
absolutely no accountability in terms of the relevant international
laws."
Is it possible that the CIA would actually commit alleged war crimes
- and the U.S. government would not hold the CIA and itself accountable
in any way?
In his veto message,
Republican Carcieri said: "This bill represents a disturbing trend over
the past few years of the incremental erosion of the principles
surrounding traditional marriage, which is not the preferred way to
approach this issue.
"If the General Assembly believes it would like to address the issue
of domestic partnerships, it should place the issue on the ballot and
let the people of the state of Rhode Island decide.''
The bill, also sponsored by state Sen. Rhoda Perry and state Rep.
David Segal, would add "domestic partners'' to the list, in current
law, of people who can legally make arrangements for a deceased
person's funeral, cremation or burial to include domestic partners if
the deceased person left no pre-arranged funeral contract.
It was an encounter one Ozark 10-year-old will likely never forget.
Called to a home to help control an allegedly "unruly child," an
Ozark police officer was reportedly told by the girl's mother that he
could use the electric weapon to subdue her, according to 40/29 News Arkansas.
However, the girl supposedly kicked the officer in the groin when he
approached. "He had no other choice [but to Taser her]," Ozark Police
Choief Jim Noggle reportedly said. "He had to get the child under
control."
According to the Associated Press, the officer's name is Dustin Bradshaw. His aggressive approach to dealing with a child has the girl's father enraged.
"If you can't pick the kid up and take her to your car, handcuff
her, then I don't think you need to be an officer," Anthony Medlock
reportedly said.
You won't likely hear this answer on Jeopardy anytime soon: "Is the only country in the developed world where minors, even children as young as 13 are regularly put in prison for life without parole, even for non-murder offenses." But in case you do the question is "What is the United States?"
Today, the Supreme Court heard arguments in Sullivan v. Florida and Graham v. Florida. In both cases, the petitioners argued that when a child is sentenced to life without the possibility of parole,
it violates the Eighth Amendment's prohibition against cruel and
unusual punishment. Both Sullivan and Graham committed crimes in which
no-one was killed: when he was 13, Joe Sullivan raped a woman, and at
16, Terrance Graham committed armed burglary. Sullivan and Graham are
sentenced to die in prison. (Read more about the Graham and Sullivan cases and about the international human rights law angle here.) (PDF)
In the United States, approximately 2,570 children are serving life
sentences without the possibility of parole. Children as young as 13
have been sentenced to spend the rest of their lives in prison without
a second chance and an opportunity for release.
We are the only country in the world where children are serving such cruel sentences.
In February 2006, the ACLU submitted a petition to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
(IACHR) challenging the practice of life without parole sentencing for
children under universal human rights principles. The petition alleges
that the human rights of children sentenced to life without
parolesentences in the state of Michigan have been violated. It asks
the IACHR to review Michigan sentencing laws as they are applied to
children and find them in violation of the American Declaration of the Rights of Man and other universal human rights principles.
Over the past decade the Innocence Project at Northwestern University has been instrumental in reopening, through the investigative efforts of Northwestern journalist students, cases in which the criminal justice system had failed defendants.
A court in Illinois has now come up with a novel way to avoid the potential exposure of future embarrassing facts relating to prosecutorial misconduct and other mishaps: Blame the Messenger, by making the Innocence Project, rather than the facts it muckrakes up the issue.
The work of many Northwestern University Medill School of Journalism students,
under the direction of investigative journalism professor David Protess as part
of the Medill Innocence Project, has helped lead to the release of 11 wrongfully
convicted inmates, and when former Illinois Gov. George Ryan dropped sentences
of everyone on Death Row before he left office, he acknowledged that it was
partly because of the wrongful convictions resulting from the research done
by Protess and his students.
Northwestern undergraduate journalism students continue to gain firsthand experience
in investigating wrongful convictions under Protess as part of the Innocence
Project, but the investigation into one case - of Anthony McKinney, who was
convicted of shooting and killing a security guard in 1978 and whose murder
conviction is being reviewed - has stirred recent controversy.
That's because staffers in the Cook County state's attorney's office have demanded
that they need students' grades, grading criteria, syllabus and e-mail messages
related to the students' investigation. Northwestern University and Protess,
though, argue in court documents that turning over so many materials is burdensome
and not relevant to deciding whether McKinney should be exonerated. A court
date to address these matters is set for early November.
The National Defense Authorization Act, signed by President
Obama last week, contains numerous revisions to the Military Commissions ACT if
2006, but precious little in the way of substantive reform, according to a
number of legal and human rights groups who have analyzed the bill.
William Fischer
provides a useful synopsis of pertinent critiques of the bill.
Arizona ACLU finds most immigrants rounded up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement as dangerous criminals or illegal fugitives in "sweeps" are neither, just "incidentals" (AKA "collateral damage").
Last November, Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents conducted an operation in northern Arizona to look for immigration fugitives.
The operation was part of an ICE program whose main objective is to
arrest and deport dangerous illegal immigrants who had previously been
ordered deported and had prior criminal records.
But a review of ICE documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties
Union of Arizona under a Freedom of Information Act request found that
the majority of the people arrested during the operation were neither
criminals nor fugitives.
The operation lasted four days and was conducted in the Flagstaff,
Sedona, Prescott and Prescott Valley areas by ICE agents with help from
the Yavapai County Sheriff's Office and the Prescott Police Department,
the ACLU said.
In all, 80 illegal immigrants were arrested, including 14 fugitives
and 66 non-fugitives, according to the documents, which the ACLU posted
on its Web site. http://tinyurl.com/y873vfj Of
the 80 arrested, six had prior criminal histories, including two who
were fugitives and four who were non-fugitives. Of the 66
non-fugitives arrested, 62 had no previous criminal history.
An ICE memo that was part of the documents noted that 18 of the 80
people arrested were the result of two smuggling vehicles filled with
illegal immigrants stopped by Arizona DPS officers on I-17. Twenty-five
of the 80 were the result of ICE officers assisting the Yavapai
County Sheriff's Office in its attempts to locate and arrest people
who had criminal arrest warrants and lived in a trailer park in Sedona.
"Contrary to assertions from Department of Homeland Security
officials that they are focusing on apprehending criminal fugitives,
these documents demonstrate that they are continuing to round (up)
immigrants who were not previously ordered deported and who pose no
threat to the public safety," Alessandra Soler Meetze, executive
director of the ACLU of Arizona, said in a statement posted on the
group's Web site.
It's not often that an appellate court decision reflects so vividly what a country has become, but such is the case with yesterday's ruling by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in Arar v. Ashcroft (.pdf).
Maher Arar is both a Canadian and Syrian citizen of Syrian descent. A
telecommunications engineer and graduate of Montreal's McGill
University, he has lived in Canada since he's 17 years old. In 2002,
he was returning home to Canada from vacation when, on a stopover at
JFK Airport, he was (a) detained by U.S. officials, (b) accused of
being a Terrorist, (c) held for two weeks incommunicado and
without access to counsel while he was abusively interrogated, and then
(d) was "rendered" -- despite his pleas that he would be tortured -- to
Syria, to be interrogated and tortured. He remained in Syria for the
next 10 months under the most brutal and inhumane conditions
imaginable, where he was repeatedly tortured. Everyone acknowledges
that Arar was never involved with Terrorism and was guilty of
nothing. I've appended to the end of this post the graphic description
from a dissenting judge of what was done to Arar while in American
custody and then in Syria.
In January, 2007, the Canadian Prime Minister publicly apologized to Arar
for the role Canada played in these events, and the Canadian government
paid him $9 million in compensation. That was preceded by a full
investigation by Canadian authorities and the public disclosure of a detailed report which concluded
"categorically that there is no evidence to indicate that Mr. Arar has
committed any offense or that his activities constituted a threat to
the security of Canada." By stark and very revealing contrast, the
U.S. Government has never admitted any wrongdoing or even spoken
publicly about what it did; to the contrary, it repeatedly insisted
that courts were barred from examining the conduct of government
officials because what we did to Arar involves "state secrets" and
because courts should not interfere in the actions of the Executive
where national security is involved. What does that behavioral
disparity between the two nations say about how
"democratic," "accountable," and "open" the United States is?
F.B.I. agents who arrived at a secret C.I.A.
jail overseas in September 2002 found prisoners "manacled to the
ceiling and subjected to blaring music around the clock," and a C.I.A.
official wrote a list of questions for interrogators including "How
close is each technique to the 'rack and screw,' " according to
hundreds of pages of partly declassified documents released Friday by
the Justice Department.
The documents include handwritten notes, apparently prepared by
Justice Department officials, discussing the possibility of prosecuting
some employees of the Central Intelligence Agency. The notes reveal
that the Justice Department considered prosecuting a C.I.A. interrogator
for a previously reported incident in which a detainee was threatened
with a gun and a power drill, but it says department officials declined
to prosecute the case.
The documents were released in the latest response to several Freedom of Information Act lawsuits filed by the American Civil Liberties Union and Judicial Watch, a Washington advocacy group. Some are new versions of documents previously released.